Of his many outrageous campaign statements, perhaps Donald J. Trump's most important ones concern his would-be role as president of the United States.
When told that uniformed personnel would disobey his unlawful order as president to torture prisoners and kill civilians, Trump menacingly replied "They won't refuse. They're not going to refuse, believe me." Responding to criticism by the speaker of the House, Trump spoke like a Mafia don: "Paul Ryan, I don't know him well, but I'm sure I'm going to get along great with him. And if I don't? He's gonna have to pay a big price." Complaining that the United States' international standing has declined, Trump promised to make foreigners "respect our country" and "respect our leader" by creating an "aura of personality." Concerning the media, which he despises, Trump said, "I'm going to open up our libel laws so when they write purposely negative and horrible and false articles, we can sue them and win lots of money."
He encourages participants at his rallies physically to assault critics and has offered to cover their legal fees. ["I think you'd have riots," he predicted, should there be a brokered Republican convention in July.]
He has twice re-tweeted an American Nazi figure. Only under pressure did he reluctantly disavow support from David Duke and the Ku Klux Klan. [He kept a copy of Hitler's collected early speeches, My New Order, by his bed. He called on followers to swear allegiance to him, evoking Hitlergruß-like salutes.]
In these and other ways, the Republican presidential candidate breaches the normal boundaries of American politics. He wants the military, the congress, foreign governments, the press, and ordinary citizens to submit to his will. His demands, and not some musty 18th-century documents, are what count. Trump presents himself as billionaire, master dealmaker, and nationalist who can get things done, never mind the losers and the fine print.
Conservatives have picked up on these tendencies. Rich Lowry of the National Review notes, "Donald Trump exists in a plane where there isn't a Congress or a Constitution. There are no trade-offs or limits. There is only his will and his team of experts." Michael Gerson of the Washington Post concurs: "His answer to nearly every problem is himself — his negotiating skill, his strength of purpose, his unique grasp of the national will." Jeff Jacoby of the Boston Globe fears his becoming "a ruthless strongman in the White House, unencumbered by constitutional norms and democratic civilities."
 The former ADL head called the hand-raising for Trump "a fascist gesture." |
Liberals agree. Carl Bernstein of Watergate fame called Trump "a new kind of fascist in our culture" and someone with an "authoritarian demagogic point of view." Hillary Clinton portrays Trump pursuing "a demagogic path" that relies on xenophobia, paranoia, prejudice, and nationalism "to really stir people up."
If this kind of politics has no precedent at the highest precincts of American politics, it does elsewhere and it has a name: neo-fascism.
The term fascism dates to 1915 when it was adopted by Benito Mussolini to describe a novel movement that combined elements of the right (nationalism) and of the left (an economically all-powerful state). The fascist outlook, according to Merriam-Webster, "exalts nation and often race above the individual and that stands for a centralized autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader, severe economic and social regimentation, and forcible suppression of opposition."
Neo-fascism is the term for post-1945 figures who appropriate elements of the fascist agenda; it is a political movement "characterized by policies designed to incorporate the basic principles of fascism ... into existing political systems." That nicely describes Trump.
Videos of Mussolini demonstrate how the Italian dictator's style anticipated that of the Republican frontrunner; even without knowing Italian, one sees their similarity in character and tone, even in their facial expressions. [Trump tweeted a Mussolini quote ("It is better to live one day as a lion than 100 years as a sheep") and when its source was pointed out to him, he replied, "what difference does it make whether it's Mussolini or somebody else?"] The distinguished historian Andrew Roberts finds in Mussolini "Trump's secret template."
 Mussolini, "Trump's secret template." |
The United States, the world's oldest democratic republic, faces an internal danger unlike any in the past 1½ centuries, one with the potential to degrade domestic life and reduce the country's standing in the world. Nothing is as important as resisting and defeating Donald J. Trump and the neo-fascist virus he wishes to bring to the White House.
Republicans of Pennsylvania have an important job ahead of us in the primary election on April 26: to do our part in denying Trump the delegates he needs to become our nominee for president.
Mr. Pipes (DanielPipes.org, @DanielPipes), a life-long Republican and 30-year resident of Philadelphia, has worked for three U.S. presidents. © 2016 All rights reserved by Daniel Pipes.
Mar. 11, 2016 update: I continue on this theme at "More Indications of Trump's Neo-Fascism."
July 21, 2016 update: I build on this analysis today at "Why I Just Quit the Republican Party" and then address the many criticisms against it at "Blowback from Criticizing Trump."
Oct. 18, 2016 update: I ask and answer in the Philadelphia Inquirer today, "What's a Conservative to Do? Vote for Pence."
 A parody making the rounds in the aftermath of the sex tape revelations. |
Jan. 20, 2017 update: I have collected my now-many writings on Donald Trump in a bibliography.
May 12, 2017 updates: I noted above how Trump "wants the military, the congress, foreign governments, the press, and ordinary citizens to submit to his will." I forgot to mention law enforcement. Today it came out that, at a dinner with just the two of them present, Trump demanded of James Comey, director of the FBI, that he pledge his loyalty. According to an account by Michael S. Schmidt in the New York Times:
the president and Mr. Comey made small talk about the election and the crowd sizes at Mr. Trump's rallies. The president then turned the conversation to whether Mr. Comey would pledge his loyalty to him.
Mr. Comey declined to make that pledge. Instead, Mr. Comey has recounted to others, he told Mr. Trump that he would always be honest with him, but that he was not "reliable" in the conventional political sense.
By Mr. Comey's account, his answer to Mr. Trump's initial question apparently did not satisfy the president, the associates said. Later in the dinner, Mr. Trump again said to Mr. Comey that he needed his loyalty.
Mr. Comey again replied that he would give him "honesty" and did not pledge his loyalty, according to the account of the conversation. But Mr. Trump pressed him on whether it would be "honest loyalty." "You will have that," Mr. Comey told his associates he responded.
The Times account goes on, with great delicacy, to note that "Trump may not have understood that by tradition, F.B.I. directors are not supposed to be political loyalists."
