My Six-Step Plan for a Two-State Solution

Has the time come to implement the two-state solution – that is, to recognize the semi-sovereign Palestinian Authority (PA) as a state, as "Palestine," alongside Israel?

Netanyahu (R) and Biden once got along.

President Biden says yes – "the only real solution is a two-state solution" – and 19 Democratic senators call for "two states for two peoples." Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says no – "Israel will continue to oppose unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state" – and Republicans, in the words of The Washington Post, "hug Netanyahu tighter." This high-profile clash threatens to damage both countries' interests. Fortunately, common ground exists that offers a way to move the topic forward. It has two components.

First, the U.S. and Israeli governments have both publicly accepted a Palestinian state in principle. President George W. Bush did so in 2002 and Netanyahu himself did in 2009. Admittedly, Netanyahu subsequently changed his mind, but the outside world will not let him undo a decision already on the books for 15 years. Attempting to backtrack on this agreement amounts to a doomed rear-guard effort.

The Palestine Orchestra was a Jewish institution in 1936-37.

Beyond that agreement, an eventual Palestinian state has become inevitable. True, a century ago, "Palestinians" meant Jews, not Arabs; but Palestinian Arabs do today constitute a people. Pretending otherwise smacks of futility. True also that reestablishing Jordanian and Egyptian rule in the West Bank and Gaza from 60 years ago is a more attractive alternative than a two-state solution; but both Amman and Cairo vehemently rebuff this idea. Israel ruling all of those territories protracts one of the world's most vicious and lengthy conflicts. So, Palestine it is.

But what sort of Palestine? There lies the second area of agreement between Washington and Jerusalem. Each accepted it on condition of a complete overhaul of Palestinian conduct. Each posited three prerequisites. Bush offered "American support for the creation of a provisional state of Palestine ... if Palestinians embrace democracy, confront corruption and firmly reject terror." Netanyahu itemized Israel's conditions as a "guarantee regarding demilitarization and Israel's security needs," plus recognition of Israel "as the State of the Jewish people."

Together, these demands – which remain as central today as when first expressed – require a transformation of Palestinian attitudes and actions. (Still, they remain partial and other demands should be added; an end to PA vilification of Israel, recognition of Jerusalem as its capital, and a full normalization of relations.)

Unfortunately, those six conditions have virtually disappeared from the collective memory. Forgetting them, the United States and Israel engage in a useless "yes or no to Palestine?" argument. With them, the two governments can engage in a pragmatic and constructive "has the PA met the prerequisites?" discussion.

The PA, which turns 30 next month, has an extensive record on which to be judged. Here's a summary assessment on each of those six U.S.-Israeli requirements:

• Establish democracy: PA leader Mahmoud Abbas is in the 20^th year of his 4-year term and spurns even the rigged elections typical of tyrants pretending to be democratic.
• Reduce corruption: Ghaith al-Omari, a former advisor to Abbas, finds that "a staggering 87 percent of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza believe that the PA is corrupt."
• Reject terror: The PA brazenly celebrates the murder of Israelis. For example, a televised sermon declared that "All weapons must be aimed at the Jews." It also bragged about its role on Oct. 7.
• Demilitarize: The PA has over 83,000 security personnel on which it spends one-third of its budget, making it (along with Hamas) the most militarized society in the world. (Only North Korea matches that percentage.)
• Guarantee Israel's security needs: The PA last year endorsed an intent "to blow up all of the Zionist entity's cities."
• Recognize Israel as the Jewish state: Abbas adamantly rejects this, taunting Israelis: "You can call yourselves whatever you want, but I will not accept it."

As the PA fails every joint-U.S.-Israel condition, Washington and Jerusalem have their work cut out. Time to end their useless squabble and focus on getting Abbas and his regime to fulfill those common-sense requirements, for example by reducing the PA's hyper-militarization. Accordingly, some humble advice to each government.

Israel Victory: How Zionists Win Acceptance and Palestinians Get Liberated will be published in June 2024.

Jerusalem: Stop re-litigating what you already conceded. Direct Biden's attention to the six unfulfilled conditions. Insist that they be accomplished to your – and not the Americans' – satisfaction.

Washington: Stop ignoring that the PA has made none of the requisite changes. Put the onus of change on Palestinians. Challenge them to prove worthy of a sovereign state.

And how might the Palestinians be pressured to make those changes? Through what I call Israel Victory: convincing them that they have lost their long fight with Israel and the time has finally come for them to come to terms with the Jewish state. Specifically, this means Israel's ending the rule of two foul organizations, the PA and Hamas, the first through financial starvation and the other through destruction, as is now underway in Gaza. Then, Israel empowers those many Palestinians ready to live in harmony with it by funding them, giving them a voice, and including them in governance.

Daniel Pipes is president of the Middle East Forum and author of Islamism vs. The West: 35 Years of Geopolitical Struggle (Wicked Son, 2023). © 2024 by Daniel Pipes. All rights reserved.