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Points of high importance in Netanyahu speech which were omitted from your articleReader comment on item: Assessing Binyamin Netanyahu's Speech at Bar-Ilan University Submitted by Refael Laufert (Israel), Jun 15, 2009 at 03:02 "Points of high importance in Netanyahu's speech…" – comments In assessing Netanyahu's speech, one should keep in mind three important factors:
I think that his speech reflects all those points together as guidelines and main motives. In light of the above-mentioned issues, the "points of high importance…" of his speech should also include and make reference to the following topics:
My assessment is that the speech was intentionally somewhat ambiguous on this issue so as to pave the road towards discussions with the Palestinians. At the same time, some indirect meanings have been emerging gradually since the speech was delivered; one example is Dan Meridors' comment recently, which indicated that Status-quo in the West Bank without a political process (i.e. a Palestinian ban on resumption of negotiations with Israel) is 'No option' for Israel.
6. The concept of 'Economic Peace' has a stabilizing effect in the region. It intends to reduce the economical gaps and differences between Israel and its neighbors, to reduce dependency of a Palestinian state on Israel's economy, and to initiate a major project for settling the Palestinian refugees permanently in the places where they reside currently. The formal act of declaring and establishing a Palestinian state must include economical, administrative, judicial, and law enforcement infrastructure, capable of supporting life in the newly born state, or else the whole 'exercise' may become a farce. Had it not been a matter of national security to Israel, Israel could and perhaps even should refrain from dealing with it altogether but this is not the case. As one can easily deduce from this argumentation, Netanyahu means business. But it should be built gradually, carefully and on a sound basis; it is not a one time shot, but rather a process. The key to understanding Netanyahu's approach is the overall concern with the complex issue of the national security of Israel: we must persuade a solution which will balance the increased risks Israel can take upon itself with proper compensation made by the Arabs – Palestinians and non Palestinians. Understanding this point is both a measure of goodwill and good intentions. The Israeli-Palestinian-Arab conflict is asymmetrical in many ways: Population, land, natural resources, political influence, economical potential and many strategic advantages. This asymmety reflects on the nature of an agreement which may by successful – it must not enhance the already existing asymmetrical situation. Any agreement will include certain steps which are easily reversible (declarative, 'paper work' and software-like) and others which are irreversible (mainly withdrawal from territories and strategic positions). This must be balanced in any agreement to come. If Netanyahu's initiative fails, the only alternative will be to return to the idea of an agreement between Israel and a Jordanian-Palestinian state, located in the Eastern Bank and part of the Western Bank of the Jordan River, with the Jordan River as Eastern security border for Israel. A non-Jewish state is no option for Israel whatsoever, and if brought up as some non-realistic dreamers suggest, will soon become a case of casus belli.
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